| The Maclachlans of Argyllshire are not
the only source of the surname Mclaughlin in Scotland. It
appears at least one other Scottish surname was corrupted
into Mclaughlin (MacLagan, MacClaggan, MacClachan,
McCloughan). The tendancy to corrupt MacClaggan (one of
the earliest forms) into McLaughlin is noted on the Atholl
web site: "McLauchan,
MacLagan These two
names are merely variations of the original name of
McClauchan. The clan was at first confined to the Weem
District, and in the 15th century the Parish of Weem was
known as Machlagan. Weem or Uamb
means a cave, and there is a probability that an old
Celtic word Lach meaning a hollow or pit may be the
foundation ot the name, and had got corrupted into
MacLachlan, which might mean Son of the Cave.
Some translate McClagan as
"Son of the Little Bell", but the
original spelling of the name is against this, and there
is no reason to connect the clan with the bell of any
Saint. The old spelling of McClauchan sometimes became
McClauchlan, and sometimes McClaggan, till the present
names of McLauchlan and McLagan emerged. The Atholl
McLauchlans have no connection with the Norse McLachlans
of the West Coast."
Dr. R.C. Maclagan first noticed the connection between
the surnames MacLagan and Mclaughlin in a series of
articles in the "Celtic Monthly" in 1901.
THE "CELTIC MONTHLY"
Vol. IX 1901
(the article continues through succesive issues).
p. 87
MACLAGAN
THE CLANS CUIL AND CLACHANE, AND
THE COMBAT ON THE INCH OF PERTH
BY R.C. MACLAGAN, M.D.
About a score of years ago, having found that
the meaning of the name Maclagan was the subject of the
merest gueswork, the writer put together his own
suggestions and speculations in a little pamphlet which
he submitted to those whom he thought likely to be
interested, hoping that any mistake made, or further
information of which they were in possession, would be
brought under his notice. The purpose of the pamphlet was
in no way successful, the only result being that, like
the writer himself, not a few accepted the theory
propounded, namely, that the word meant "son of the
little bell." In the pamphlet, it was pointed out
that the name of one of the clans, that fought on the
Inch of Perth, do signated the little clan, of which the
name was discussed Since then much information, if one
can use the expression where the total amount would make
but a few pages of printed matter, has been found; and
further, the meaning of the name has been discussed by a
skilled Scottish Gaelic philologist, whose view, however,
is not here accepted, and will be argued against.}
The Tay valley is the historical habitat of the
clan.
First, then, to give a short
account of the religious teachers mentioned with the
district. In the 11 Eulogy of Saint Columba" the
writer Dallan says:-" He subdued to benediction the
the mouths of the fierce ones"' who dwelt with
Tay's; (2) high king," he
overcame, or he shut the mouths of the fierce ones who
dwelt with the overking of Tay ; for though it be
malediction they intended, it is benediction which used
to result from it ut fuit Balaam."
Columba died in A.D. 597.
There is, how ever, a considerable interval between
the date of his death and the composition of the
"Eulogy" which Stokes says is probably of the
ninth century. The above is quoted to point out the
belief in the ninth century, in there having been a
considerable religious establishment among the tribes of
the Tay valley, and the credit they got for
ferocity. Where Columba is commemorated, he is in
very many cases followed by his biographer,
Adamnan. The church at Dull in Weem,
Upper Tay valley, is said to have been dedicated to him,
and in the immediate neighbourhood of Dull is Tobar min
Adamnan's well, while Feill Eonain, the festival of
Adamnan, was a market day at Dull on the 23rd September,
-------------------------------------------------
footnotes:
(1) Thrice nine druids : whomsoever they blessed,
he was blessed; whomsoever they cursed, he was
cursed, YBL. col. 697.
2) Toi nomen fluminis for lar Duine
Cuillind i
Cruithintuaith Alban. Tuatha Toi desede
na
tuatha &tat imon sruth sin, Eg. 9a 2. 11 Tay is the
name of a river in the middle of Dunkeld in the
Pictish district of Scotland. Hence the tribes that
are about the river (are called) the 'tribes of
Tay."
(The Bodleian Amra Choluimb chille, by Whitely
Stokes, in the "Revue Celtique," vol. xx., p.
401.)
------------------------------------------------------
the Saint's day. ("A few Notes on the Parish of
Weem," by the Rev. Robert Grant Dunbar, minister of
Weem, 1897). Reeves in his
edition of the "Life of St Columba" does not
give Doll in his list of churches dedicated to Adamnan in
Scotland; but in his introduction he mentions the Saint
being commemorated at Dull. Reeves "Life of St.
Columba," Intro. clxx).
In reference to the form of the name Eonain, Reeves
points out that there was a Eunan celebrated in Ireland
on the 7th September.
The next religious teacher to be
noticed is Saint Cuthbert, to whom Weem, is
specially dedicated. Saint Cuthbert's connection
with Weem is supposed to have been between
651 and 661, while he was a monk at Melrose.
(Dunbar-'a "Notes on Parish of Weem," p.
9.) This is recorded in a chapter "annexed"
(Skene's "Celtic Scotland," ii, 206) to
the "Irish Life of St. Cuthbert"-& Latin
MS. of the fourteenth century.
"Cuthbert came to a town
called Dull and dwelt as a solitary, or hermit, in
a steep and richly wooded bill, at Doilweme, about
a mile distant. Here he brought from the hard rock
a well of water, erected a tall stone cress, built
an oratory of rough wood, and constructed for
himself, out of a single stone, a bath, in which he
used to immerse himself and spend the night in
prayer to God. He remained here for some time,
until, being accused by the daughter of the king
of that province of having seduced her, he prayed
to God, and the earth opened and swallowed up the
young woman, at a place called Corruen. He would
not continue to dwell longer there, but removed to
other parts of the country." For the present,
we need not consider the power ascribed to this
fountain of overflowing the country, nor how the
devil having constructed for himself a bath of
enormous size, and imitating St. Cuthbert, so
irritated him, that one day seizing a huge cudgel,
like a fuller's pole, and rushing upon his
antagonist he drove him away.
Doilweme, can only mean the Weem
of Dol. There can be scarcely any doubt that that
is the meaning of the word, the curious thing about
it being, however, the use of the Lowland word
Weem, or as it would be spelled now, wame, meaning,
of course, womb, belly, though applied to a cave,
as in Fifeshire, where there are several, Wemyss;
also in Shropshire, about ten miles north of
Shrewsbury, Wem, Weme of Domesday Book, which is a
hollow but no cave, disposing of the derivation of Weem
as a mispronounced Gaelic uaimh-cave. Weem is also
applied to the earth-houses common in
some parts, and it; the translation in the sense of
womb of the word brugh-applied to the Irish tumuli on the
Boyne and elsewhere, and to fairy dwellings in the
Hebrides.
We happen to have a Gaelic
name for this parish used in the year 1592, say about two
centuries later than the composition of "The Irish
Life of St. Cuthbert." In that year authority was
given to the Justice-General, Archibald, Earl of Argyll,
to convocate the lieges within the bounds of the shires
of Bute, Tarbett, and as much of the shires of Dumbartane
and Perth as lies within the parishes of Fothergill,
Mclagan, Inchechaddin, Ardewinch, Killin, Strapbillane,
etc. (Register of Privy Council of Scotland, Vol. V., p.
41).
The name here suggests a connection
with the word machlag, Ir. - machlog, matrix, womb. Now
in Irish Gaelic, at any rate, districts were called from
the tribes that inhabited them, and there are
instances of this in Scotland as in the Gaelic names for
Sutherland and Caithness, Cataobh and Gallaobh, and in
the expression "Mackay's Country." It would
then be quite a fair deduction in accordance with Gaelic
habit, to believe this parish of 'Mclagan" was
called after those who inhabited it. The question, of
course, arises, how does it happen to appear in an
English dress, "Weem," in so Highland a
district? That name was undoubtedly in use in the
year 1296, when Alexander de Meyners got from John,
Earl of Atholl, the lands of Weme and Aberfeldy - the
first mention of Weyme. As marking the special
religiousness of the locality, it was not till 1463 that
another Earl of Atholl gave to Menzies the right
of presentation to the "Rectory and glebe of
Weyme." The solution of the enigma might be
simply, that the Lowlanders with Meyners, interpreted the
Gaelic word as if it had been Machlag.
For this they had sufficient
reason, seeing that a cave, Gaelic uaimh-weem, was
a very special feature in that part of the country.
That such a name may possibly be applied to a
suitable locality without any question of a tribal
appellation in its neighbourbood, is proved from an
Irish map in the British Museum, dated 1609, on
which at the mouth of the bay of Sligo there is
marked "Enish a mochloigh, or the Conie."
(Captain Cuellar's Adventures in Conacht and Ulster
in 1588. Elliott Stock) - a very suggestive name
indeed.
Every cave may not be a weem.
Weymss in Fife and Weyms in Ayrshire are both in
the immediate neighbourbood of water (the sea), as
is the case evidently in the Bay of Sligo. In the
Weem in Perthshire, a fountain gives it a
characteristic. The cave itself is very shallow,
but has an excellent exposure, and with a little
artificial assistance would make quite a comfortable
shelter for a religious. If St. Cuthbert ever was
there, few people now-adays at any rate, will
believe that he was the cause of the spring. It is
unnecessary here to further discuss the physiology of
holy wells, but it seems a very fair speculation,
especially considering the traditional matriarchy
of the Picts that this machlag was held in
reverence before Columba, Cuthbert, or any other
mint of the Christian church had bad anything to do with
it. The well is called St. David's Well.
There was a David's Fair and the
Episcopal church at Weem is now dedicated to St.
David. This saint is supposed to be David de
Menzies of the fifteenth century, who divested
himself of his lairdship, and took to a religious
life. (Dunbar's "Few Notes," 1). 25).
We have thus evidence of a
successive change of proprietorship of the locality
by Christian saints, Columba, Adamnan, Cuthbert,
David, which certainly adds to the probability of
their in turn having succeeded to the fierce Druids of
the Tay Valley. In reference to
Dull, the writer of Cameron's "Guide to Aberfeldy
and its Neighbourhood " points out that Dull in
Gaelic signifies a noose,a loop, and that local tradition
explains this by saying that Adamnan on his deathbed
ordered his body to be carried in a withe loop suspended,
from a pole to be buried where the loop broke,
which occurred at Dull.
Tn addition to these, Dul seems
to mean, on the authority of the dictionaries, the
"terraqueous globe"; it is the genitive plural
of duil; dul also (Windisch) an element, Dia nan
dul, God of the elements of nature. Dula is also a
pin or peg, which Mr. MacBain connects withdolo,
the Latin for an iron pointed staff; and in Cormac's
Glossary, we find Duillen, O'Clery's duilleann, glossed a
javelin (ga). There can be no doubt that this meaning of
the word plays its part in the cudgel with which St..
Cuthbert drove the Devil out of his tub, and Adamnan's
pole with its loop-the constituents of an ordinary snare
trap, dula, Gaelic.
Those speculations as to the
meaning of the name Dul have very little to
recommend them, and have a strong flavour of
the fanciful derivation. A much less recondite meaning
has a good deal of support. I have to thank Mr.
Henderson for calling my attention to the fact
that the d may be a remnant of the old article,
or might be an English spelling of the Gaelic t
after n of the article. The name Dull had evidently
of old a diphihongal sound, oi, oi Doilweme."
When called Mclagan - The Parish of Dull ( Weem)
though in charge of a Maclagan, not so named from
its minister-Craigdull i.e. The Crag of the
Mac-gillean-lag and Macgille-an-lagan, son of the.
lad of the Cave- Wintoun's clans Qwhewyl and Clachinyha -
They become Quhele and Clan-Kay (Hay).
It's interesting to notice that in 1592, when the parish
of Weem is called Mclagan, there was a Duncan
McGlagane then occupying the manse of Dull, which
is described as follows:-"The half of the hill of
Craigdull and the lands of Auchtavie, with teind
sheaves of the whole included in the regality of
St. Andrews and the sheriffdom of Perth, formerly
held of the vicars of Dull, excepting the manse of
the vicar of Dull, with the gardens, tofts and
crofts, occupied by Mr. Duncan McGlagane, with the house
called McKiltishouse (1566, MacKiltishouse; 1602,
Makiltreshouse; 1620, MoGillishouse)." Here we
see that the modern rock of Weem, the
Graig-an-t-Shepail, is called the Craigdull, and it
can scarcely be anything else in origin in than
Craig-n-tuill, the Rock of the hole, or hollow, or
'fissure of the soil.' In Breton, the equivalent
word toull appears in the phrase 'Toull an ibil kamm' le
trou de Is chiville courbe" (the hole of the
bent plug). (Kruptadia vi., p. 64). Compare this
now with the name, Rock of Weem, as already
explained, and compare it with the word cuil, a corner,
nook, private place, cuile, the apartment in which
stores are kept. And compare this with the entry in
the Book of the Dun Cow, which speaks of the
"cuil sibrine," the recess of Sibrenn on the
river Lee in Roscommon, explained by the following
gloss:-"hi Cuil Sibrinne . i. loch Carrcin
agus o silind ingine Madchair roainmniged," i.e.,
"Loch Carrcin, and it is from the 'silind' mun
of Madchar's daughter that it was (so)
called." (Kruptadia ii., 353).
It follows also from the
description of the neighbourhood of Duncans manse,
that it was situated at the modern Weem and not at
Dull itself, showing that the vicar's residence
had retained the early position immediately
below the sacred Weem, some miles from what was
subsequently the monastery of Dull. Sinchronously
with the incumbency of Duncan at Weem, John
Makclagene was minister at Inverchadden (modern
Taymouth), having been transplanted from
Strathardle and subsequently having charge of
Moulin and Logierait. There was therefore some
considerable excuse for calling a parish, in that
neighbourhood, at that date, Mclagan, though as
John Makclagen's parish is mentioned by its
own name "Inchechaddin," the name applied
to Weem. must have had some other origin than that
of its temporary incumbent. There
is, however, another very important fact in
connection with this name and the church lands of
Dull, viz, that the principal portion of them is
mentioned in several charters as Croft-Clauchane (1566).
Beg. Great Seal. Croft Clachane, 1603. Compare this
with spellings of the clan name, McClauchane
matriculated at St. Andrews in 1537, and
Maklachane, St. Andrews Registers, ) 666. At a very
early date there was a strong non-Gaelic element in the
church of Dull. In the account of the Court
held there in 1264 there is mention of but one
Gaelic cleric, while William of Cheater and John of
Carham are mentioned as canons. (Celtic Scotland,
ii., 406. Skene).
Church traditions, such as we have
been considering, coming down to us as composed hundreds
of years af ter the events they are supposed to
chronicle, cannot be expected to give accurate history.
Have we any indication in the neighbourbood of the
existence of followers of any one who may be supposed to
have resided in some such cave In the "Black
Book of Taymouth," p. 200 and 314, we learn that on
the 4th of June, 1556, the Clan MacIntyre renewed their
bond of man-rent to the Lairds of Glenurquhay, previously
given to the first Sir Colin Campbell for "sythmant
and recompens" of the slaughter of his
foster-brother, Johnne M'Gillenlag. The first Sir Colin
was born in or about the year 1400. The slaughter is
stated to have taken place during the minority of James
(I.), which fixes the date between 1406 and 1424. The
house at Balloch, now called Taymouth, was built by Sir
Colin Campbell who died in 1583, so that, supposing it to
have been built in 1570, having succeeded to the property
in 1550, we thus find the laird who had renewed the bond
establishing himself in what is now a part of the parish
of Weem, that is at Taymouth Castle. In 1621 we find
another Johnne, this time called M'Clagan, an honoured
guest at Finlarig. If the reading of the name of the
slaughtered foster-brother is correct, it can mean
nothing else but John, the "son of the lad (servant)
of the cave," den.
It scarcely needs evidence to prove
this derivation ; but we have it though in a different
part of Gaelic speaking Scotland. Mr. Mae- Bain gives us
the following: - " A curious name appears in Islay
in 1686 in M'Linlagan. This comes from M'Gillefinnlagan;
St. Finnlagan had his name from a diminutive form of
Findluch, which either means 11 Fair Mouse" or
"Fair Light." (Northern Chronicle, 26th
August, 1896).
Now there are different ways of
looking at a question of that sort. While Mr.
MacBain's derivation had not come under notice of
the writer, looking over "The Book of Islay
" by G. Gregory Smith, his notice was
attracted by the following entry:-" Rentall of
Ila: Beltan sett 1666. Stromneis Beg set to
Archibald McLinlagan and payee of siluer maillis and tynd
siluer, liij lib, vjs, viijd."
Having a good correspondent in
Islay, a letter was written to Miss Elizabeth Kerr,
F.C. Manse, Port-Charlotte, saying, could she
recognise in the Island a place called Stromneis
Beg, and if she could, was there any tradition of a
folk-lore sort about it? The answer was prompt -.
I have spotted Stromneis, pronounced Stremneis and
sometimes Streneis. The first e pronounced like e in hen.
It is almost at the point of the Mull of Oa. You should
find it in one of the Ordnance Survey maps. There
is a Stremneis Mor and a Stremneis Beg. I have been
trying to get the traditions about the latter,
but the only information I have got is, that
in a cave quite near it or on it smugglers used to
have a small still. It is s ometimes called Strevneis.
Macnab was the name of the oldest remembered
tenants. They cured King's Evil."
There can be surely no doubt
that Archibald Mae Gille an Lagan, that is to say
Archibald, the son of the lad of the (little) cave,
is quite a reasonable translation of his name as it
appears in the rental of Islay. Possibly the spirit
which caused the different families to frequent
their different caves was not the same, but the name was.
If the Druids of the King of Tay
were ferocious, we may conclude that their
followers were not behind them in this particular.
An historical statement of a connection with the
district of Weem, of the two clans of which we are
now going to speak, there is not. Sir Walter Scott,
in his historical novel "The Fair Maid of
Perth," speaking of them, however, locates one
at the southern end of Loch Tay, showing the trend
of opinion.
In or about 1420 Andrew of
Wyntoun, Prior of St. Serf's Inch, Lochleven, wrote
his "Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland," and
in it he informs us that in the year 1396, at
Perth, beside the friars, three score wild Scots
fought, thirty against thirty, within barriers.
There the chiefs with them were "Schir (sic)
Ferqwharissone," the other "Cristy
Johnesone." He does not say which thirty was
commanded by Farquhar's son or by John's son, nor
does he tells us, as he says himself " quha,
had the ware at the last," but he does my that
fifty of them were killed, and that the lose was
greater than at the skirmish of Gasklune, in which
a " great company " under three chiefs
quarrelled with Sir David do Lindsay, and slew or wounded
a large number of prominent men, Wyntoun says (B.
ix. c. 17):
Tha three score ware Clannys twa,
Clahynnhe Qwhewyl, and Clachynia:
Off thir twa kynnys ware tha men."
The question here is how often does
the word clan appear? Certainly twice, and in the latter of these two, an h is
inserted and a final accented a in order to fill up
the metre. The third word has a chi where no such letters
should be, if the word were clan, and the
straightforward reading then is that like the word
(Qwhewyl), it is not to be divided and made into Clanny
Ha, but is to be read in its entirety.
Thus, we would put the two lines
if writing under modern rules:
These three wore were Clans two,
Clan Qwhewyl, and (Clan) Clachinyha:
names which would be written if modern surnames
MacQwhewyl and MacClacbinyba. But a mistaken
reading happened. Twenty years after Wyntoun, in
1441, Walter Bower, the Abbot of Inchcolm, wrote a
continuation of Fourdon's History of Scotland,
calling the united work "The
Scoti-chronicon." In this he informs us that the
fight was between "Scheabeg et suos consanguinarios
qui Clankay, et Cristi Jonson ac suos qui
Clanquhele, dicebantur" (see Appendix for
Historical Extracts). Here we find Bower himself
making a word Clanquhele the same as he supposed
was the word Clanyha, which, however, must have struck
him as a very curious name, and he amended the
original further, and made it Clankay.
A more conscientious copyist of
Wyntoun, in the "Registrum Moraviense,"
calls them Clanhay and Clanqwhwle. (See Appendix).
Let us remember that Wyntoun, as
a contemporary, and within a day's walk of Perth,
might have gone up to see the show himself, and
though anyone-even in our days of newspaper
correspondents, shorthand and typewritten MSS.-who
has taken part in public functions, and knows what
mistakes can be made, will not insist on too
accurate reporting by the Prior of St. Serf's, yet
all will give him credit for being more likely to be
accurate than those who evidently took their
information from him.
From the order in which the
names of the chiefs occur in Wyntoun, and the names of
the clans, one would suppose that Cristy Johnesone was
the chief of Clan "Clachinyha," and the
other of Clan Qwhewyl. In the Scoti-chronicon, we
find Cristi Jonson is credited to Clanquhele, and
the other appears as Scheabeg, and is given to the
suppositious Kays or according to the Registrum,
Hays. We have as yet spoken of one MacClagan only,
as to whom there can be no doubt, but probably also
of another, and both of these had the name of John;
and though this is not a rare name in any
connection, it is certainly very frequent among
Maclagans, as frequent as Christian is among the women of
the name, though it is to be confessed that no
Christopher has ever been encountered among them.
Was the defaulter in the combat a woman I (See
Appendix). According to Wyntoun's editor he does not
write Schea, or Shaw as it becomes later, but what
might be "Sir Farquhar's son." If he were
a Pope's knight, he would be a Macpherson -t he son of
the parson, and so a claim might be advanced on
behalf of the Clan Cattan, which by the time of Boece and
George Buchanan (1526 and 1565 respectively) was actually
the case, one of the families present being said to be
Clan Cattan. With Sir Walter Scott's more recent
assistance, this is the accepted version, and the
strengthening circumstances to the tale has appeared in
the bagpipe chanter said to have been used on the
occasion, now in the possession of Cluny
Macpherson.
There were more parsons in the
position of Highland chiefs than the Clan Cattan
Macphersons, and one of the earliest of these
was Crinan, Abbot of Dunkeld and Dull, his
jurisdiction reaching apparently to Argyll. He was
a layman and a great chief, and was, according to
the Irish "Annals of Tighernac," slain
along with "nine score heroes" in 1045. His
opponent being apparently Macbeth, who in the Irish
and Pictish additions to the Historia britonum is called
"Macbethad mac Fin mic Laig," who reigned in
Cruithintuath (Pict-land) sixteen years. (Chronicles
Picts and Scots, p. 30).
If Schir is a mistaken writing
for Schea, it was not a patronymic but a personal anme,
and if it is to be qualified by the word
"little" (beg), it might be nothing more
recondite than a Gaelic "Joey." It
certainlly is remarkable that personal names in so
Lowland a form as Cristy and John should be applied to
the leaders of these wild Scots. the fact seems to
point to their having been borderers.
Maurice Bucnanan, writing in
1461 in the "Book of Puscarden," does not name
the clans, but connects the Battle on the Inch with the
Raid of Angus, "and implies that the same parties
were concerned in both," to quote Skene.
Before proceeding further, let us consider the
opinion formed of the name Maclagan by MacBain in his
Etymological Dictionary, "Maclagan, G. M'Lagain
(Lathagain in its native district of Strathtay),
documentary Maklaagan (1525), M'gillaagan, sod
quid?" MacBain's statement of the pronunciation is
evidently based on his "documentary Maklaagan,"
as no oral evidence has ever been forthcoming of such a
pronunciation in Perthshire.
In the Oban Time of may 23rd,
1896, the Rev. Charles Roberston gave an answer: -
"Hoc est quid, viz. Mac gill' Adhagain, from
ulitmately Adam, Gael. Adhamh, but whether as a direct
double diminutive or another variant to the forms
Adhamhnan, Oghamhnan, Gilleagamnan, of Adamnan, is hard
to say. The probability is that it is a double
diminutive form of Adamnan's name. Double
diminutivesd do not appear to have been much noticed,
though attention has been directed to them by Professor
Mackinnon, who compares the german chen, eg. mutterchen,
little mother, and the Aberdonian ikie, eg., wifikie,
Eng. mannikin. Gaelic examples are Seumagan from
Feuman, Eoghnachan from Eoghann; cf. ailleagan from
aille, beaut y; suidheagan from suidhe, a seat."
Mr. Robertson's derivation was
accepted by Mr. MacBain in the 'Northern Chronicle,' July
15th, 1896. "M'Lagan, Gaelic M'Lagain, in 1525
Maklaagan, from gille-adnagain, little Adam (Adocan? a
form of Adamnan?)"
The exact value of any single spelling of a
name is not very much. One of the clan residing in
the classic city of St. Andrews married twice, and had a
considerable family. In the records of Births his
name appears in the following different manners. It is
fair to mention, though we have not followed them out,
the same freedom from exactness prevails in the
spelling of the names of the wives.
Johne Maklachon and Jenot Couts contracted,
October 5, 1665.
Maklachan.
Maklachane, a son, May 3, 1666.
MakLachen, a daughter, Seot. 17, 1671.
Mclachen, a daughter, Dec. 26, 1674.
Mackclathan, a daughter, Nov. 7, 1674.
Mackclathen and Helin Buckles married,
Nov. 21, 1679.
Macclachlan, a daughter, Aug. 17, 1680.
Mclachlane, a daughter, Mar. 30, 1682.
Makclachan.
Makolan, a daughter, jan. 14, 1686.
MckClaquan MackClaquane, July 23, 1692.
The following is a list of the spellings of
undoubted Maclagans, except it is the first
of whom no record but the name remains.
1497, Claquin, Loys de (Scots man-at-Arms,
in Italian Wars).
1529, Makclaagan (Grantully man).
1537, McClauchane, Duncanus, Angusianus
matriculated at St. Andrews.
1566, Makclaggane (Parson in Dull).
1578, Makclagony, Mcclagony.
1595, McClagane, Duncanus, matriculated
grad. 1598.
1597, Maclagene (Minister, Kirkmichael).
1602, McKlagane.
1602, McClagan.
1605, McClaggane (Mill of Cluny).
1608, Maclagan (one Little Dunkeld tombstone?).
1613, McLagane (Bofrack).
1613, McIlglegane.
1613, McGlagane.
1619, McLagan (Tailyeour, Dalshiane, 1620).
1624, McGilleglagane (follows "Stewarts," in
the list of Macgregor fines).
1665, Maklachon.
1666, Maklachane.
1668, Maklachan.
1670, McClaggan.
1674, Mc clachen.
1674, Mc Clathan.
1674, Maklachan.
1679, Mackclathen.
1686, Makclan.
1692, Mack-Claquane.
1694, McLagine.
1699, Maclachan.
1703, MackClachan.
1720, McKlagan.
1732, Mc clagen.
1733, Mc laggan,
1734, McClaggon.
1734, Mc claggen.
1737, Mc Glageon.
1738, McKlagon.
1754, Mcaglan.
1772, MacClagan.
1773, McLagen.
1775, McGlagan.
1776, Maclaggan.
1887, MacGlagan. ("The late Peter of Ledneskey,
Grantully," in "Scotsman" of 14th
January).
In the Scottish Antiquary, vol. xiv., p.
217, is a contract of marriage between the Earl of Orkney
on the one part, bestowing his daughter with a dowry on
Sir John Drummond of the other part, written in the
vernacular, in the year 1396. The property bestowed
by the Earl includes "al his landys of the
Murtclauch." The modern spelling of this is
Mortlach, Mortlach Church being close to Dufftown.
Compare this with the spellings of the name McClauchane
and the later one of MackClachan.
In the older records, as well as in more recent,
the name is sometime mis-spelt so as to make it Maclachlan
and such like, as may be seen in the St. Andrews Record
agove; these spellings, however, are only evidence of an
indistinct appreciation of the pronunciation.
Before entering on philogical discussion and to
explain the position of the writer, the following story,
picked up in Perthshire, told of a clansman, whose
relationship would be gladly claimed it it could be
distinctly demonstrated, may be given: - In the American
War, the chaplain of the 42nd knowing that warm work was
before his charge, said in his discourse, that soon some
of them would be supping with the Lord. After the
engagement some of the others of the regiment insinuated
that the chaplain was not likely to find himself so
hurriedly as they in the company mentioned. The
chaplain's ready answer was, "the Lord knows I am
not a supper man." One must partake of supper
though he be not a "supper man," so one may
embark on philological questions though not a
philologist.
MacBain say "M'Lagain" is the
"G" (aelic) form of the name. With the
foregoing list before us surely this is not so. To
judge from correspondence addressed, Maclagan generally
comes from English people and Lowlanders sufficiently
educated to know that Mac stands for son of, and that a
proper name is invariably written with a capital.
In the Parish Records of Perthshire, it is very general
among those of the district near Dunkeld; Alexander
Maclagan who was settled in the church of Little Dunkeld
in 1687, and is mentioned in the "Fasti Ecclesiae
Scoticanae" as a Master of Arts of Saint Salvator's
College there, has the name spelt McClagan. It should not
be so, it is McLagan at his graduation M.A. in
1673. He matriculated at Edinburgh in 1670 as
McLagan, and had his settlement at Little Dunkeld
contested and delayed because he wanted the Gaelic.
An instance of dropping the second C in another
case of a non-Gaelic speaker is, when in the beginning of
the last century, the name was changed for simplicity to
Maclagan from MacClaggan by a medical man (Dr. David
Maclagan) who stated the reason, but who did not confess
that he himself had committed the indiscretion.
Personal experience is that the name is spoken
Mac-clag-an, but on matters of this sort a deaf man is a
bad authority.
There need be no question as to the
frequency of which the word Mac is written Mack, and such
a name as MacAmbroise may become McCambridge. In
cases where macc or mack is followed by an L, a
contraction for Gille - a servant lad, there must be
doubt as to the origin of the second C, but, when one
sees the name in the form of MacIlglagane, there can be
no doubt that the clan name would, as used in Wyntoun,
properly appears as Clachinyha not Lachinyha.
MacBain's hypothetical
"Mcgillaagan" is founded apparently upon the
form of the name in the "Red Book of
Grantully," given udner the year 1529, which by some
accident has been quoted as Maklaagan though, in the
published edition of the Red book it appears as
Makclaagan.
Precendents fo the use of all the other
letters in the word Clachinyha are to be found in the
list of spellings of Maclagan, but it must be confessed
there does seem a redundancy in the yha at the end.
That there was a vowel sound after the n seems quite
clear. It is written both as y and e, Makclagony
and McClagane, but Wyntoun had the exigencies of rhyme to
consider and the name had to take its place in apposition
to the word "Taw," he therefore would naturally
use a instead of e for his vowel, and the semi-vowel y
corresponds with the semi-vowel in Qwhywyl. The h seems
as ornamental as in his epelling of the word clan
"Clahynnhe." From the rhymesters
point of view, the word must have finished in a sound
represented by ya possibly with a slight aspiration of
the final a. In the indubitable words clan,
wyntoun uses nn, in the name of Clachinyha but
one.
What is the significance of the
vowel sound at the end of MacClagane, MacIlglegane?
it is a gentive, thus we have in the Gaelic Genealogy of
the MacNabs, "Do genelach ic an abhane."
So much for the name itself.
That the native locality of those of the name was
the Tay valley, there can be no manner of doubt. Among
the older mentions of the name Duncanus MaClauchane;
Angusiansus. Saint Andrews student in 1573, is explicit.
In 1623, William McClagan in Glengowlanlie
(Ordnance map. Glengoulandie), in the Barony of Weem, was
accused of having a fank of stolen sheep. He is
described as "a poore fellow," evidently
showing that something better was to be expected of
him. His locality is clear as a commission to try
him was given to the Lairds of Wyme and Ballachane.
In 1620, Tailyeour McLagan, in Dalshiane, was
complained against by the King's Advocate for harbouring
"Egigtianis."
In 1613, during the hunt of the Macgregors,
Duncan MacLagane in Bofrack (in 1602 he is McClagane in
Bowraick), William M'Glagane, Donald M'Lagane,
and John M'Ilglegane, were fined for harbouring the
outlaws.
In 1605, "McLaggane alias Miller, and John
McClaggane of the Mill of Cluny," assisted a brother
of the Laird of Ballachan to abduct a certain Rachell
Bonair.
The above are all from the "Register of the
Privy Council."
In 1590, the Rev. John Makclagene was
translated from Kirkmichael in Strathardle to
Inverchaddin, and subsequently had charge also of Kyllin,
Straphillan, and Muling.
In 1566, the Rev. Duncan Makclaggane occupied the
manse with pertinents, and the house called
"Mackiltis," and the "clerkis" in the
Parish of Dull. In 1573, he was presented to the
Vicarage of Dowle.
The earliest notice of an individual Maclagan is
Donald Makclaagan, 129, who formed one of a jury of
twenty-five of "the best and worthiast of the said
schirefdome" (Perth) finding the lands of
Pettequharne, Caltulyth, and Abirdeldy to be pertinents
of the lands of Grantulie. ('The Red Book
of Grantully," vol. i., p. 67 to 69).
Though the older mentions of the Maclagans point
to a Tayside locality, they were latterly very strong,
relatively speaking, near Tummel; and the only evidence
of their having to follow anybody for warlike purposes is
to be found in the Roll of the Duke of Atholl's fencible
men in 1705, where, in Moulin and Tulliemet, eight of
them are mentioned as "armed" more or less
perfectly.
Having this given as good a ground
work as possible in order to form an opinion how
themselves and others looked upon their clan name, and
having fixed their locality, let us consider what may
have been the origin of their name.
Undoubtedly a considerable
number of what now come down to us as patronimics show
tha the family (clan) was only so in a sentimental sense,
much as a Russian or German colonel speaks of his men as
his children. But at the present day among
primitive people, we see how the chief, though there is
no genealogical connection, calls his people his
children.
In the "Heart of Heathen
Africa," the Rev. Duff Macdonald informs us, when a
man intends to set out on an expedition he goes to the
chief of the village, who, to see if the expedition will
be successful, makes an offering to the spirit of his
predecessors. As the chief puts down his offering he
recites the words, "My son has come, he goes a
journey, enlighten his eyes, preserve him on his journey,
escort this child, amy he return with his head
unscathed" (p. 76). Mr. Macdonald furthe tells
us how a "clan," so to say, arises. Given
a man who chooses to make a new settlement. Besides his
daughters and sons-in-lsaw, if he had means he purchases
slaves who become his "children," the offensive
word slave being seldom used. If he have daughters
unmarried, he would give them slave husbands. Also
freemen may come to him and say, "I wish to live
with you." The village chief gives them
permission and calls them "younger brothers,"
or, he may at first be accompanied by friends (p. 152)
who are also "younger brothers." The
village council consists then of all those "members
of the tribe" which is the literal meaning of the
word freemen, as used by Mr. Macdonald. Slaves and women
cannot be members of this council, which is presided over
by the headman - the "father." but we
have also a glimpse of the effect of the introduction of
christianity among these Africans, which seems to have
had its exact parallel among the Gaelic tribes of
Scotland and Ireland. When Mr. Macdonald (p. 162)
spoke to them of a Day of Judgment, they remarked,
"on that day we shall plead that we are the white
man's sons, and you, father, will not forsake your
children." (Africana: or, The Heart of Heathen
Africa," by the Rev. Duff Macdonald, of the Blantyre
Mission). We have sons of Colomba, Bridget, and
others. Originally our Gaelic names were not
directly MacCallum, MacBride, but had the form
MacGillecoluim, MacGilleBride, "son of Columba's
servant," etc., but the Gaelic and the Yao principle
is the same.
Saint's names, however, sometimes at
any rate, recorded their peculiarities, thus for
instance, we have Maol-Mocheiridh - the early rising
tonsured one, the origin of the family whose name is now
in English, Early. There is, therefore, nothing to
hinder a holy hermit being kept in memory as
Mmol-an-Lagain, or Gille-an-Lagan, or Gille-an-Lag,
simply. That there was such a hermit, we have
already seen, but the position seems a little complicated
by the name of his hermitage being the Weem, Machlag, a
word in which in Irish the accent is in the last
syllable. Compare the early irish Mogruith, slave
of (the) wheel; a Druid.
It is pointed out that in
modern times at any rate, there was in the Highlands a
tendancy to calla district after the principal clan
which inhabited it, ans so the abbacy lands of Dull are
known as Appin nam meineireach. But in old times
men undoubtedly were called from some peculiarity, as in
the case of the Firbolg, Bag or Belly Men, one of the
traditional races in Ireland; and also from their
district, as for instance, in the case of the Firu
Fortrenn, the men of Fortrenn mentioned in the
Annals of Ulster, of whom, in 865, Tuathal, Abbot
of Dunkeld, is said to have been Bishop.
("Chronicles of the Picts and Scots," pp. 361,
362).
If there was in this district at
that date a holy Weem, those who were connected
with it by locality might therefore be called Firu
Machlagan. To the writer Machlag is merely a
dictionary word of which the genitive is Machlaig,
and in the case of the Irish Weem, mentioned
previously, the Irish word is declined after that fashion
(Enish a mocloigh). The Rev. 0. M. Robertson in his
Prize Essay "Perthshire Gaelic," while
finding evidence of older inflexions, points out that
the tendency is to use one form for all cases in
the singular, and this seems to have been equally
true at the date of writing. The Black Book of Taymouth,
writes of 11 Gille-an-lag," not Gille-an-luig.
"Son of the den"- Mac-an-lagan, is a curious
enough name of itself, but it becomes even less
intelligible if the definite article is left out.
Of course this is a strong support of the
"servant of Adam" theory, but if that is right,
"Ilglegane" means the servant of the son
of the servant of Adam. It is also to be noticed
that the little Adam local name is not Adamnan but
Eonan.- In the face of these difficulties, may one
who is not a philologist suggest that the name was
in some cases looked on as meaning Gille-Machlagan (Lad
of Weem).
Clan names are, of course, a
comparatively late invention, and we are speaking
here of the two first clans of whom there is
literary mention as clans in Scotland, with the
exception of the clans mentioned in the Book of
Deer. The majority of Highlandmen whose names have come
down to us, of dates much subsequent to the Battle of the
Inch of Perth, are not spoken of by clan appellations,
but by their own and their father's christian
names.
Whatever the value of the
above suggestion, there can be no reasonable doubt that
some professing christians, utilized the shelter of the
hollow of the rock of Weem, and from the date at which
patronimics became fashionable, it memo probable
that he would give rise to a clan name comm on in that
district. If St. Cuthbert was the anchorite of the Weem
which he must have inhabited about the year 650,
there was plenty time between his day and that of
John MaeGille-an-lag, 1415, for uncertainty to
creep in as to the meaning of names. Nay more, when
at the present day men from modesty deliberately
mistranslate Folk Tales-may not a few centuries
since some of the name have had also a misguided
shamefacedness.
Let us now turn to the clan
"Qwhewyl." The date at which these men first
make their appearance is in 1391, when, according to
Wyntoun and Bower, they invaded the Braes of Angus
under Duncan Stewart, son of Alexander, the Wolf of
Badenoch. Bower, here, gives particulars which are
not in Wyntoun, and he makes the principal chiefs, after
the Stewarts, Patrick and Thomas Duncanson,
omitting a Gibbon Duncanson mentioned by Wyntoun.
He then goes on to say that taking part with those
mentioned and others, were Slurach and his brothers
and the whole Clanqwhevil, William Mowat, John de
Cowts, Donald de Cowts and their adherents; David
de Rose, Alexander M'Kintalyhur, John M'Kintalyhur, Adam
Robson and their adherents, and others. Those mentioned
before Slurach were from Atholl Strathtummel, and
Strathtay. The Mowats and Cowts belonged to Buchan.
Skene (Celtic Scotland, iii., p. 309) makes no guess
from what locality came the "sons of the
tailor "-M'Kintalyhur. Between Bofrack and
Aberfeldy is Duntaylor. There has been already mentioned,
in 1620, Tailyeour McLagan in Dalshiane who
harboured gypsies, and Alexander and John are
common Maclagan names. These are not very strong
proofs in themselves that we have here to do with
the principal Maclagans, but they seem to be straws
blown by the general current. The "Tailyeour"
was probably a name equivalent to that of Mercer,
one of which family, Henry Mercer, is recorded as
in 1602 becoming possessed of lands in Dull (see
Register of the Great Seal, vol. vi., p. 459). In the
list of Scottish families which in or about the
time of Malcolm Canmore came from France, Leslie in
his history mentions immediately after the Betouns
"Taileyefer" (Leslie's History of Scotland, b.
vi., p. 312).
The next mention of the
Clanqwhevil is in the Battle of the Inch, where Slurach
has given way to Sir Farquhars son, or be is the same
man.
Still more recently among the
broken clans themselves in 1594, we find the name
"Clanchewill," and in the Roll of the Landlords
and Bailies in whose districts broken men dwelt and
presently dwell, mention is made of the Laird of
Weem, the Laird of Balleachane, and the Laird of
Grantullie (Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis, p. 39).
The spellings of the name with
which we have to do are : ,
Qwhewyl (Wyntoun).
Quhele (Scotichronicon).
Qwhwle (Registrum Moraviense).
Qwele (Extractr e Variis Cronicis Cocie).
Chewill (Roll of the Broken Clans).
The first question which arises
concerns the value of the Q which in every case but the
last commences the name; being exceptionally replaced by
the letter C. It is scarcely necessary to explain that
the letter Q occurs in the Ogmic inscriptions at the end
of the word Mac, son, in place of the letter 0, Maqq. In
Manx Gaelic, the letter Q takes the place of the word Mac
in such names as Quayle. W is not in the Gaelic alphabet,
and is in this case therefore used by the English
speaking scribes to represent some other sound which may
be a U or a V. Coming af ter Q it is probably the U
sound, and this is proved by the spellings of the
Scotichronicon and the Roll of the Broken Clans. By
regarding these latter spellings one comes to the
conclusion that the pronunciation of the name was
something like Cueil or Cuil.
The e in the centre of Wyntoun's
spelling is undoubtedly misleading, and the writer at
first took the name as equivalent to the Manx name Quayle
above mentioned, and it evidently misled
Skene when he formed the opinion that the name was
something like Kevil. I have to thank Mr. George
Henderson for putting me on the right track in this
instance, and for calling my attention to a fact unknown
to me that there is a small sept in Glenorchy (at least
four or five families) known locally as MacCuail, they in
English call themselves Macdonalds, and they came into
Glenerchy from outside.
The MacCueils of Wyntoun, to
adopt for the old clan a more modern phonetic spelling,
were from Angus, and the boundaries of this nation are
given in the following words in Father Dalrymple's
translation of Leslie's History of Scotland. "Angus
is induet with thrie riueria, first northerlie with the
riuer of Esk, secundlie sutherlie with the sam. river of
Esk, thridlie with the beat
riuer of all the riuers in Scotland named Tai: of
quhilkes, Tai, rinning throuch diuerse cuntries flowis
out of a loch of the sam name, xxiii. myles lang, and twa
myles braid; at last rinis into the main Sey"
(p. 52). It will thus be seen that Angus extended as far
as the east end of Loch Tay.
Recalling then the fact that the student at St.
Andrews in 1537, Duncan McClauchane, was described as
"Angusianus," and that this other clan was an
Angus clan, we have to look in that "kingdom"
for further evidences of their connection with it.
In local tradition we find the
following (Historic Scenes in Perthshire, p. 412)
"On the north-east shoulder of Drummond Hill, in
this parish (Weem), are the remains of a large and strong
fortress. It had been a parallelogram in form. Its walls
are of prodigious thickness, and had been constructed
without lime or mortar; but the stones had been regularly
coursed and banded. The precipitousness of the lofty rock
on which it stood made it all but inaccessible on the
south and
east sides; and on the north and
west sides, it bad been defended by trenches and other
outworks, which may yet be traced. It is said to have
been erected and occupied by MacTual, son of Tuathal,
Abbot of Dunkeld, who, according to the Annals of Ulster,
died in A.D. 865. This Mac Tual's name is of frequent
occurrence in Gaelic legend and song; but of his works,
the only memorial of him that survives is this ruined
fort. "
This Macthuathal may very well be the
eponymus of the clan Qwhwle, and that may undoubtedly be
the proper pronunciation. The fortification here
described is not the only memorial of Macthuathal. On the
Tay close to Caputh, we have another. Pennant in his Tour
(vol. ii., p. 67) gives a plan of a fortification which
he thu's describes: "Late at night reach
Inchstuthel, the modern Delvin, the seat of John
Mackenzie, Esq., where I found a continuation of Highland
hospitality. The situation of this house is of strange
singularity; on a flat of one hundred and fifty-four
Scotch acres, regularly. steep on every side, and in
every part of equal height; that is to say, about sixty
feet above the great plain of Stormont which it stands
on.
The figure is also remarkable and much better to be
expressed by the engraving than by any description of
mine." In a note Pennant says:- "Mr.
Mackenzie's father, who was a good antiquary, held this
to have been part of the land granted by Kenneth to the
gallant Hay, the hero
of the battle of Loncarty, whose descendants possessed it
for four or five centuries''
Pennant then describes the circumvallations, and
on page 70, refers to Boethius History (lib. iv., p. 64),
where it is mentioned as "Inchtuthel."
In the translation by Bellenden
(b. iv., c. 14), the passage is as follows:
'The Pichtis, effrayit be cumming of Romanis
sa far within thaie lands, brint ane riche town,
namit Inchecuthill, which stood upon the river Tay,
that the samin suld be na refuge to thair ennimes.'
We have thus in 1530, the date of Bellenden's work,
his pronunciation of Innis Tuthal.
Who this Tuathal was, we find from the Annals of the Four
Masters, where in the year 963 we are told,
"Tuathal, son of Ardghus, chief bishop of Fortrenn,
and Abbot of DunCeallain (died)." The same appears
under the year 864, in the Annals of Ulster, where
Ardghus' name is called Artgus, Abbot cf Dun-Callen. The
abbacy of Dunkeld then was at this early date hereditary.
What is more probable than that in Angus a clan should
exist called after so potent a warrior who occupied
extensive furtifications at either end of a country
stretch- from within a few miles of Cupar Angus to the
east end of Loch Tay, and whose death was mentioned by
the Irish historian, than this same Tuathal, and the name
of such a clan would, using Boece's spelling, be
MacCuhill. The initial T is mute, being aspirated as in
the second T in Tuathal's name.
If a Pictish word may be supposed to have remained in
this district, might not the religious of Dull have been
called the son of the cliff," the Welsh clogwyn
phonetically clogooin, a word which would give a very
apposite meaning for the 'Crof t Clauchane,' the
croft of the ciiff (dweller?) of the Vicarage of Dull,
situated at the foot of Craigdull. Did not Ossian
Macpherson in 1762 know by tradition a Culdee. a
"lonely dweller of the rock," the famous Mac
Alpin (Ailbhinn, ailp-a precipice, a protuberan ce) of
whom he says tradition has not "handed down the name
of this son of Alpin." The Clan Alpin (Macgregor)
situated close to the district under consideration have
already been alluded to.
To prove a much more recent local connection between
the clan which we call now Cueil and the clan Clagane,
the following is very much to the purpose :
In 1603, King James VI. bestowed of new upon Alexander
Meinzeis of that ilk, and on his descendants, the lands
and Barony of Weyme. It is unnecessary to go over the
particulars of the charter, suffice it to say, the only
two other names mentioned in the deed, besides that of
Menzies, as having interest in the property, are in the
first case, where reference is made to the 20s. lands of
Nether Mewane, 11 formerly occupied by the late Donald
McQuoill," and secondly, where it mentions the manse
of the Vicar of Dull, "occupied by Mr. Duncan
McGlagane." (Register of the Great Be&], Vol.
A., p. 502).
Tuathal was succeeded in his various offices by Crinan,
who had married Bethoc, the daughter of Malcolm
MacKenneth, whose son, Duncan, reigned five years, and
was slain by Macbeth in the
year 1040. Crinan survived his son, Duncan, by five
years, being himself slain in the year 1045. The notice
of this event occurs in the Annals of Tighernac (died
1088) in the following sentence: "Battle between the
Albanich araenrian in which Crinan, Abbot of Dunkeld, was
there slain and many with him-nine score heroes." Of
course, the original is in Gaelic, but the only doubtful
word it; given as in the original. Skene, making a pure
guess at it, translates it "on both sides." It
was a difficulty to Stokes who says (Revue Celtique,
xvii., 385) "on one road," but suggests that
perhaps it is an idiom for the etarru fein of the Annals
of Ulster, meaning "among themselves." To step
in with confidence where Stokes walks gingerly is apt to
suggest the proverb in which angels' habits are compared
with those who are not overburdened with wisdom, but we
have good hope that calling attention to the historical
parallel which we now do, that our suggestion that it
means "by a disposition" or
"arrangement" will meet approval. At anyrate,
Mr. Henderson says he would translate it "on one
mode," i.e., by similar arrangement (on either side)
a view borne out by the AU variants - among
themselves." This suggestion, if adopted, proves
clearly that the duel, it we may so speak of a combat of
many but of equal numbers, fought on the Inch of Perth in
1396, was not a new thing in the history of the country
or of the district, the only difference being that in the
more recent combat the numbers engaged (slain) were only
one sixth of the number engaged in the former instance,
which may be accounted for possibly by the more ancient
combat dealing with the forces of the leaders of two
parties in a kingdom, Crinan and Macbeth, himself or his
general, while in the latter case it was between two
divisions of one tribe.
The question will naturally be asked why of one tribe,
when the various authorities speak of them as separate
clans. It is a widely spread tradition among the
Maclagans that they were Macdougals, a name spelt
in the Black Book of Taymouth, M'Cowle, and by the Dean
of Lismore, MacKowle, while J. F. Campbell says
that the modern pronunciation is represented by the
combination MacCooil, a tradition which has taken a
concrete form which I here give in the words of Dr.
MacLagan Wederburn:- "The three brothers
who pursued Robert Bruce were of the clan of Macdougall
of Lorn. Two, I believe, were killed, and Bruce
left his cloak with the famous brooch in the hands of the
third. The chief of the Maedougalls not only claimed
the brooch, but wished to claim the honour of
having taken it, and the survivor, afraid of being
got rid of as an inconvenient witness of the truth,
fled to Perthshire, where he took refuge either
with the Earl of Athole or the Campbells, I forget
which, and took the name of MacLagan."
The running away and the taking refuge were no doubt
common enough incidents in individual cases, and thus
form it plausible method of explanation when one
finds a family claiming a connection with one more
potent located in a different part of Scotland from
that in which the weaker is at home.
Whether or not the attack on the Bruce was made by
Maclagans or other MacCuaills can never be settled,
but it is a fair deduction from the facts before us
that the mistake has been made between the names
MacThuathail (Machuhail) and MacDougall
(MacCooill), probably because the former had sunk
into insignificance, while the latter still
flourished as territorially important.
To return to Crian. We can scarcely doubt that in his
day and among his own followers, the correct derivation
of those calling themselves MacThuathail was accurately
remembered. In the Orkneyinga Saga, we find,
Duncan, Crinan's son called Hundason, and his father,
who fought with Sigurd, Earl of Orkney, was called
the Hundi Jarl (Skenes Celtic Scotland, i., 400).
This name seems to have been given to him by his
enemies, and appears strange to Skene, and would
seem to require some explanation. Looking at the
sound of the name as it appears in Boece's History,
it is easy to understand how such a name might find
justification by the sound of it. 11 Outhiil," the T
remaining mute, contains the first element of the word
"Cuilen," Catullus, a whelp (Windisch Irish
Glossary, s.v.), a word which MacBain says may be from
cut a dog. This would therefore mean apparently that
Crinan's followers were the clan of Tuathal, and Duncan
was called "the Dog's Son," seeing that his
father, Crinan, was the chief of what sounded like the
Clan of the Whelps, whether dogs or wolves. There is a
common story in the Highlands in which
two chiefs meeting, each with their followers concealed
in the near neighbourhood, the one who first espied his
opponents men asked who they were, the answer was
to the effect that they were the sheep of the
speaker. The other then called up his men and said these
were the dogs or the wolves come to eat up the sheep.
Such a story as this is probably of very old application.
The exact composition of the word cuilean, a whelp,
is certainly not clear. Cu appears in composition in such
words as Cuchulain, Culans dog. Cu Cumine, the dog of St.
Cumine, names applied in either case, the first to a
great warrior, the second to a saint. One is tempted to
suggest that it is compounded of the word out a dog, and gille, a
youth, a servant, the servant dog, as it were, and at;
the word servant implies juvenility, so the word
signifies a whelp, a young dog, and
has the diminutive attached to it. There is nothing
strange even at the present day in foreigners being
misled as to the meaning of a name, taking the sound of
it as it appears to them as being its real meaning. Is
not this the case with what we are calling at this
present moment the Boxers, with whom we are fighting in
China, the proper meaning of the word we have so
translated having something to do with righteousness
and harmony.
To leave the chiefs of Macbeth's day and come down to the
name given of the leader of the whole clan Qwhewyl,
Slurach, at the date of the raid of Angus. This
name suggests a hereditary title, or we might say,
perhaps, a nickname, "the chain bearer." In the
Irish tale of 11 The Lad of the Ferule" (Irish
Text Soc., vol. i., p. 22), we are told of the
"herald of the mansion" who stood up and shook
the "Slabhra eisteachta," the chain of
hearing, which he had. The story though only preserved in
recent MS. and transparently fictitious in its
incidents, does not seem to be modern (Trans.
Ossian Soc., 1855, p. 23).
To judge also from the Ossianic poems of the Dean of
Lismore, the adorning of the dogs of the clan
Chumhail with gold chains was the rule, he talks of
"Deich ceud cu air slabhraidh oir," ten
hundred hounds with golden chains; and in another
place he mourns that there is no mention of dog
trappings, or of dogs. "Gun luaidh air
chonbheirt no air chon." The dogs here are
evidently the members of the clan of Cumhal, and
the near connection in sound between this name and
that of the clan of Tuathal, as explained in
composition Machusbail, is sufficiently striking, and
explains apparently how the poet, preserved in the
Dean's book, and the authorities for the Orkneyinga
Saga, both spoke of these people as dogs. Slurach,
then, is a phonetic spelling for a name equivalent
to what would be written in modern Gaelic
Slabhruidheach, furnished with a chain.
Seeing there is a succession of saints connected with
Weem, and a consequent difficulty of being certain of any
single one of them having a proved claim as the original
inhabitant of the hermitage,
we may look round the neighbourhood for any whose name
suggests a connection with a cave, uam, or weem. In the
Irish Calander a certain Fillan, the Leper, it; said to
be of Rath Eran in Scotland, evidently St. Fillan's at
the southern end of Loch Earn. He is in evidence in
Strathfillan, and is also connected with Pittenweem on
the coast of Fife. The word "weem" we hold not
to be Gaelic, nor is the word "Pit" necessarily
so. Pit seems a Pictish remainder, and being frequently
rendered by the Gaelic 11 baile," a town, is
considered by authority to be allied to the Welsh peth,
part, Gaelic, cuid. To say the least of it, it is a
curious co-incidence that the word which commences
Pittenweem is in the Gaelic equivalent to the second name
of the island in Sligo Bary
mentioned above.
The period of St. Fillan is much about the same as that
of Adamnan. By philologists the name is accepted as
meaning 11 the little wolf "from the old Irish fael,
more modern faol, a wolf. In composition, in Ireland, the
name appears in Killhelan; in Scotland as Kylheylan, also
Killallan (Origines Parochiales, vol. i., p. 81). In the
martyrology of Aberdeen, the saints name is spelled Felan
(Calendar of Scottish Saints, p. 127). The Dean of
Lismore spells the name the same way, "Felan",
in the Irish Leabhar Breac it is Foelain (Felire of
Angus, p. 95). From this it seems clear that the
vowel likely to be used in a word, compounded of the
same elements as that of St. Fillan, would be an E.
Wherever we have now to look for the patron saint
of the clan Qwhewyl, authority (the Lyon Office)
connects the Maclagans neither with Adamnan nor
Cuthbert, but with St. Fillan. In a collection of
blazons preserved in the Lyon Office, made 'by Joseph
Stacie, a Scottish herald who died in 1687, not,
however, as part of his original MO., but an a
later addition by a different band, is the following
entry:
"M'lagan, a branch of the M'CIeland, or, two
cheverous sable within a bordure of the last.
Crest, a Morter piece. Motto, Superba Frango."
The name M'CIeland is thus explained by MacBain: - "
Mac-Lellan, G. M'Gillfhaolain, M. G. M'Gillelan (D. of
L.), Gillafaelan (1467 MS.), St. Fillan's slave, E. Ir.
Faelan, 0. Irish Failan, from fail, now faol,
wolf."
Notice here that in spite of the spelling of the name
M'Lagan, the punning crest points to the authority
for this originally as having spelt his name with two
C's or with a C and a K (Macklagan), change the
vowels and you have Muckle gun, the "Morter
piece." The rather pretentious motto shows Jacobite
predilections. David MacClaggan who died of old age
in Edinburgh in 1766, and was mid to have been engaged in
the troubles of 1715, seems the probable originator. Some
Maclagans have used as a crest a running dog. In
connection with this we, may note that the Clelands
of Cleland (ic-gille-fhillan) who were hereditary
foresters to the Far] s of Douglas have for arms,
as shown on the bookplate of an ancestor of the
writer's, a greyhound with a hunting horn hung round
its neck.
Is there Any reason for being positive that the name
Fillan means Little Wolf. Has not this derivation
been arrived at on purely philological grounds? There
seems no objection to believing that there was a
name Little Wolf at the date ascribed to the saint;
but., we have in enduring brass what must be considered
a symbol of, or at anyrate is somehow connected
with the mint on the handle of his bell. It is
ornamented with two indubitable phalli. This seems to be
explained quite satisfactorily by the old Irish fele, the male
pudenda (Whitley Stokes, Archiv. fur Celtische
Lexikographie, vol. i., p. 478). There can be little
doubt that the maker of that bell$ at anyrate, gave
the latter word as much credit for the origin of
the saint's * name as the word fael, a wolf. If, then, in
the seventh century, Faolan, now Fillan, meant a
little wolf, at the date of the manufacture of that
bell, certainly anterior to 1396, Fillan meant to
some, at least the equivalent of St. Phallus.
In discussing the termination ane of the name Maclagan,
attention was called to the Gaelic MS. of above
1450, in which the words
Do Genelach ic an abbane" were quoted to show that
they were a genitive termination to the word ab
aba, an abbot. On P. 153 of Henderson's Bricriu's
Feast is mentioned on the authority of Rhys,
apropos of the word Vipogeni, "the Picts,
adopting this name, treated the ending en as their own
genitive termination, so that they next inferred
Vepog, the Vipoig of the list of Pictish
Kings."
The Tay valley we found was in Pictland, now compare with
this Abe, Abbane Stokes' Fele, and the Dean of
Lismore's Felane, the genitive of Fillan's name. Then
cloch, old Gaelic clochane, and form a name
MacClauchane.
Local traditiom, accentuates the feminity of the
locality of Weem. Below the cave with a spring in it, is
a rocky fissure which is- said to communicate with Loch
Glassie, two miles away in the moor above. The story is
that the lady of the district sent her daughter and
stepdaughter, or by another version, her two daughters
and her step-daughter to seek a calf that had strayed
into the rock. She protected her own child with a cross
as a talisman (or a bible, other version), but during
their wanderings the child handed the talisman to the
step-daughter. They followed the lowing of the calf until
it led them to the cave into which the younger sister
entered, but only re-appeared as a mangled body floating
at the head of Loch Glassie. In the ballad describing the
incident, the one who enters complains of being retained
by "iron gates," and says that "the man of
the red hood " is between her and returning. Compare
this with the esoteric explanation of
the incident of Lohengrin and the Venusberg, and other
such phallic stories. Now, the Loch Glassie,. in another
legend of the near neighbourhood, is called Loch Lassie
from a girl the only one saved of a party of children who
had mounted a waterhorse which plunged with them into the
loch, the little "lassie" saved having fallen
off in a fright. We see in this legend how the rock of
Weem communicates by an underground passage with a
reservoir called Loch Lassie (Dargo Duncanson in the
Highland News, 3rd March, 1900). Here, we have another
Low country word forming the basis of the folk-lore of
this district. Referring to the incident of the calf in
the above local legend, the following, also communicated
to me by Dr. Maclagan Wedderburn, is another traditional
explanation of the name Maclagan.
On some cattle-lifting expedition, a man swam across
the river Lagan, in the north of Ireland, when in flood
to recover a calf, and swam back with it; in remembrance
of which feat his companions dubbed him the son of Lagan.
This man, however, had nothing to do with our family
who were really Macdougalls, and only adopted the
name." Dr. Wedderburn, though a descendant of James
MacLagan of the well-known Gaelic MS., when he wrote this
was probably not aware that Loegan (Rev. Celt. x., p.
224) is Gaelic for a calf, and may be quoted especially
as another evidence of the small account paid to vowels
in traditional etymology, at anyrate. As the swimmer swam
the Lagan, we have also evidence of the piling on of
etymologies for an incident which could only have
originated in one of the ways mentioned.
In connection with St. Fillan we would call attention
to the Police Duties performed by the Dewars, the
keepers of his staff. There is a Gaelic word
cuaill, cuaille, a weapon of the bludgeon sort, a
rung, a thick stick. Compare with this other known
bachulls and the staff with which St. Cuthbert
drove the devil from his bath. Now, the Earls of
Atholl had the same rights for their district as
the Abbots of Glen Dochart possessed in their
territory. This is made clear by the law called 11
Claremathane" of William the Lyon. If the
Dewars held office on the strength of St. Fillan's
staff, which they undoubtedly did, were they not
sons of Cuaille. No doubt their staff was called
the coigreach, which seems to mean, the stranger, a
name thoroughly accounted for by the fact that one
crozier head contained within it an older one which
probably disappeared more or less notoriously when the
strange one represented it. Now, at Logerait, the
so-called 11 bal no maoir," translated "the
town of the thief-takers," the head of the
earldom of Atholl, had in its immediate
neighbourhood at Strowan, which is dedicated to St.
Fillan, the clag buidheann, the bell of the troop,
which in 1879 was in the possession of Miss Maclnroy of
Lude. Putting the presence of the clan Donnachie in the
raid of Angus in connection with this St. Fillan
dedication of Strowan, we have corroborative evidence of
his consideration from the south
end of Loch Earn to Logierait, and from thence to
Glendochart, the very country in which we have located
the clans Cuaill and Clachynha. Of course, the criticism
of the sticklers for exactitude will tell us that the
Dewars of the Coigrach-the pilgrims of the stranger
(staff)-are not called MacCuaille; but students of
folk-lore must admit that when it comes to Gaelic
derivation, even in our oldest authorities, it is by no
means singular to find several interpretations of the
same name quoted one on top of the other as if they had
equal authority. It seems to us as if in this case those
who had been ranged under the authority of the Abbott of
Dunkeld and Dull as the men of Angus, had subsequently
acquired distinctive names from their possession of
various relics, which relies themselves were liable to
change as in the case of the crozier; or to seizure by
those who wished to exercise the power which they
represented. Jealousies would creep in, and the disputes
would naturally be settled by the arbitrament of the
sword. One set of MacCuaills might hold by the Tual
derivation, some by the staff derivation, some by the
cave, storehouse, weem derivation. And apropos of this we
may quote what Spencer.and Gillen say of the duties of
the headman of a group of native Australians (The Natives
Tribes of Central Australia, Introduction, p. 11). 11 The
most important function of the Alatunja is to take charge
of what we may call the sacred store-house, which has
usually the form of a cleft in some rocky range, or a
special hole in the ground, in which, concealed from
view, are kept the sacred objects of the group. Near to
this store-house, which is called an Ertnatulunga, no
woman child, or uninitiated man dares venture on pain of
death."
One is loath to give up as non-historical so exciting an
incident as the capture of the Bruce's brooch by members
of the Maclagan clan. One may say that they may have done
it., at anyrate; that they did do it, or who are the
representatives of those who did it, probably we shall
never know. When we find, however, such Gaelic words as
leag, a precious stone, leicc, the crystal of a watch,
leice, an oval charm crystal, one begins to have a strong
suspicion especially when one remembers the sort of
brooch it is supposed to have been, indeed that it is,
that a diminutive from some of such words as those quoted
(see O'Rielly's Irish Dictionary) are the basis of the
story, much as the word loegan, a calf, and lagan, the
river, have been made name-fathers to the Maclagans.
It has been mentioned that the MacCuaills of Glenerchy
call themselves Macdonalds. Some Maclagans also say they
are Macdonalds. The story in support of this tells
how it was in crossing a river in the time of Prince
Charlie that they changed their name. Crossing the river
is of course in accord with the swimming of the Lagan for
the calf, formerly mentioned. The referring to Prince
Charlie's time is absurd, but many other old stories are
loaded to to the back of some personage within the
knowledge of the reciter, and all one can say is
that apparently the repeater of the story had in
this case merely mentioned what seemed to her a probable
period.
Variants in Irish Records
Griffith's Valuations
Mc Cloughan (all in Down)
Mc Cluckan (Down)
Mc Clugen (Antrim)
Mc Cluggan (Antrim)
Mc Clughan (Antrim)
Other Variants
McLughan
McLuhan
We have a group of Mclaughlins and McCloughans in our
Mclaughlin DNA Project at FTDNA that all match the same
modal (Leinster modal, called by some the Irish Sea Modal). The McCloughan spelling
is nearly unique to Co. Down, Ireland and was probably introduced into Ireland at the
time of the Pantation of Ulster or later. The name would be McClochan in Gaelic (or McClachan, McClagan). But other variants in the same records are closer to the form Maclagan.
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